By Grace Yemisi
As deadly violence and lawlessness escalate in parts of Nigeria, especially in Zamfara and Plateau states, questions are being raised over the federal government’s response — or lack thereof. While terrorists and bandits continue to exploit mineral-rich regions and raze communities, the focus in Abuja appears to be on political battles. Eleven governors from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) have taken President Bola Tinubu to the Supreme Court over what they describe as an unconstitutional move to suspend the democratic structure in Rivers State. Governor Siminalayi Fubara has alleged that the real motive behind the move is control of Rivers’ oil resources.
Yet, across Nigeria, many are asking: if a state of emergency is being contemplated for Rivers, why not for Zamfara, where bandits openly control mining sites, or for Plateau, where dozens have been killed in renewed attacks?
Plateau: Communities Under Siege
On April 8, Plateau State Governor Caleb Muftwang sounded the alarm during a live interview on Channels TV’s Politics Today, revealing that bandits have seized control of 64 communities in his state.
“These communities were attacked in 2023 but managed to rebuild. Now they are being destroyed all over again,” he said.
In just the past week, more than 50 people were killed across five communities, with over 300 homes burned by suspected armed herders. Neighboring Benue has also continued to suffer mass killings by violent gangs, sparking widespread public concern over the North-Central region’s deteriorating security.
Zamfara: Nigeria’s Tragic Goldmine
Zamfara, one of Nigeria’s most mineral-endowed states, continues to reel under the grip of armed groups controlling large-scale illegal mining operations. In a revealing article, Can Nigeria stop bandits from exploiting Zamfara’s minerals?, Malik Samuel of Good Governance Africa paints a damning picture of how the state’s resources have become a curse rather than a blessing.
Illegal mining of gold, copper, and lithium has flourished alongside organized crime, including kidnapping and deadly raids. Efforts by the federal government, such as a mining ban in 2019 and a no-fly zone in 2021, have largely failed to reclaim control from criminal gangs.
Data from the Nigeria Security Tracker show that insecurity in Zamfara worsened during the ban, with deaths rising from 2,247 (2015–2019) to 6,349 (2019–2023) — a staggering 183% increase.
Locals who lost access to farming turned to mining for survival, only to be further exploited by bandits who run the sites with impunity. Even after the ban was lifted in December 2024, security forces have reportedly failed to dislodge these criminal elements.
Policy Gaps and Official Complicity
Minister of Solid Minerals, Dele Alake, defended the lifting of the ban by citing “significant security improvements” and promising reforms to revitalize the mining sector. But experts argue that without addressing root causes like poverty, weak enforcement, and elite collusion, such policy shifts risk further emboldening armed groups.
Dr. Ola Bello of GGA-Nigeria stressed the need for structural reforms at the 2024 Nigeria Mining Week, including constitutional changes that empower states to co-regulate their mineral wealth with the federal government and private investors.
Generals Raising Ransom: A National Embarrassment
Further highlighting the country’s deepening security crisis, analyst Moses Oludele Idowu, in his article Generals Without Shame, recounted the kidnapping of a retired general in Katsina. Shockingly, his friends — fellow generals — had to form a WhatsApp group to raise the ransom money.
The terrorists reportedly demanded ₦400 million. After negotiations, the ransom was paid, and the general was released. A fellow general later posted a public thank-you note, prompting widespread outrage.
“Generals don’t raise money for ransom,” Idowu wrote. “They lead soldiers to rescue citizens. What has Nigeria become?”
PDP’s Legal Challenge: A Test of Presidential Power
Meanwhile, the PDP governors are asking the Supreme Court to clarify whether President Tinubu has the constitutional authority to suspend an elected governor and deputy and replace them with an unelected sole administrator under the guise of a state of emergency.
The suit, marked SC/CV/329/2025, was filed by the governors of Adamawa, Enugu, Osun, Oyo, Bauchi, Akwa Ibom, Plateau, Delta, Taraba, Zamfara, and Bayelsa states. They contend that such presidential actions violate sections 1(2), 5(2), 176, 180, 188, and 305 of the 1999 Constitution.
As the case unfolds, many Nigerians are watching closely — not just for the legal verdict, but for signs that their government is ready to confront the real emergencies festering across the country.
